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Image result for tree svg. Download now before it expires! This means that officers can stop a person on the street, take her picture, and enter that picture in a biometric database based on little or no suspicion. One anecdote in an official report from an Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer was particularly chilling:. As we were talking to the individuals who lived next door, our "spidy senses" were tingling.
So this neighbor became the focus of a field interview. The subject was being evasive answering our questions. It was determined that the subject was in the United States illegally so we arrested him for that. I decided to transport the subject downtown, still not knowing exactly who I had in custody. So I whipped out the Droid and snapped a quick photo and submitted for search. The subject looked inquisitively at me not knowing the truth was only 8 seconds away.
I received a match of This revealed several prior arrests and convictions and provided me an FBI. When I showed him his booking photo, his jaw dropped. Thanks again for the opportunity to evaluate this device. A TACIDS draft policy document shows that officers may collect face images in three distinct circumstances—each of which is problematic in its own right.
The court held that as long as those stops were based on reasonable suspicion of criminal activity, they, too, did not trigger Fourth Amendment Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr) Fifth Amendment protections.
The third scenario contemplated by the policy is the most concerning. In that scenario, the cops are allowed to collect photos of people with whom they are not even in contact. The Supreme Court has long recognized the societal value in the ability to remain anonymous and the ability to associate with others privately without fear that the government is watching. Using face recognition technology in the way proposed by SANDAG destroys this anonymity and puts everyone under the threat of government surveillance.
Although the draft policy includes some measures intended to protect privacy, these measures do not go far enough.
Not so long ago, our society would have recoiled from this type of stop and search. We hope that San Diego residents will push back on TACIDS before the program is rolled out to additional devices and agencies and linked to fixed video cameras in court buildings and on public transportation. We also hope that Americans across the country will question whether the impact of this type of technology on Constitutionally-protected activities is worth the huge cost and the minimal benefit to law enforcement from its use.
By Elizabeth Murphy February 15, pm. January 19, Friday, May 03, May 7, Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr), am. Photograph: Getty. Lawmakers' dissatisfaction with Caproni over surveillance has a long pedigree. Electronic Frontier Foundation. Search form Search. November Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr), By Jennifer Lynch.
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OK Cancel. Login to make your opinion count. Advertise your AD, Book or Movie. Who's a Rat Message Board. Sign up. Private Messages : Unread. Posted Basically, Section of the NDAA allows for the indefinite detention of American citizens without charges or a trial. Journalist Chris Hedges and several others sued Obama on the grounds of it being unconstitutional.
Judge Katherine Forrest agreed and issued an injunction on it. This was immediately appealed by the Obama Administration to a higher court, which promptly issued a temporary stay on the injunction. Yesterday, oral arguments began in front of this aforementioned higher court; the 2nd Circuit.
As Chris Hedges states in the interview below, if they win the case then it will likely be brought in front of the Supreme Court within weeks. And, in the case of the two major U. Indeed, newly disclosed documents have put old evidence into a sharply different light and suggest that history has substantially miswritten the two scandals by failing to understand that they actually were sequels to earlier scandals that were far worse. Watergate and Iran-Contra were, in part at least, extensions of the original crimes, which involved dirty dealings to secure the immense power of the presidency.
Presidents Richard Nixon, George H. Bush and Ronald Reagan photographed together in the Oval Office in However, as the new President was taking steps in to extend the war another four-plus years, he sensed the threat from the wiretap file and ordered two of his top aides, chief of staff H. Nixon, however, had no idea that Johnson and Rostow had taken the missing file or, indeed, who might possess it. Normally, national security documents are passed from the outgoing President to the incoming President to maintain continuity in government.
But Haldeman and Kissinger had come up empty in their search. Nixon not only continued the Vietnam War, which had already claimed more than 30, American lives and an estimated one million Vietnamese, but he expanded it, with intensified bombing campaigns and a U.
At home, the war was bitterly dividing the nation with a massive anti-war movement and an angry backlash from war supporters. The voluminous report documented many of the lies — most told by Democrats — to draw the American people into the war. The Times began publishing the Pentagon Papers on June 13,and the disclosures touched off a public firestorm. Trying to tamp down the blaze, Nixon took extraordinary legal steps to stop dissemination of the secrets, ultimately failing in the U.
Supreme Court. But Nixon had an even more acute fear. He knew something that few others did, that there was a sequel to the Pentagon Papers that was arguably more explosive — the missing file containing evidence that Nixon had covertly prevented the war from being brought to a conclusion so he could maintain a political edge in Election If anyone thought the Pentagon Papers represented a shocking scandal — and clearly millions of Americans did — how would people react to a file that revealed Nixon had kept the slaughter going — with thousands of additional American soldiers dead and the violence spilling back into the United States — just so he could win an election?
A savvy political analyst, Nixon recognized this threat to his reelection inassuming he would have gotten that far.
Given the intensity of the anti-war movement, there would surely have been furious demonstrations around the White House and likely an impeachment effort on Capitol Hill. Implement it. Blow the safe and get it. Howard Hunt to conduct the Brookings break-in. Hell, they do that. You go in to inspect the safe. I mean, clean it up. Hunt later oversaw the two Watergate break-ins in May and June of Johnson reacted angrily to the overture, refusing to cooperate.
On Jan. Thus, as the same men faced the election inthere was nothing in their previous experience with an operation of doubtful propriety or, even, legality to warn them off, and there were memories of how close an election could get and the possible utility of pressing to the limit — and beyond.
Rostow apparently struggled with what to do with the file for the next month as the Watergate scandal expanded. On June 25,fired White House counsel John Dean delivered his blockbuster Senate testimony, claiming that Nixon got involved in the cover-up within days of the June burglary at the Democratic National Committee. In case of his death, the material was to be consigned to the LBJ Library under conditions I judged to be appropriate.
After a little more than two decades, on July 22,the envelope was opened and the archivists began the long process of declassifying the contents. The conventional wisdom was that Nixon was unaware of the Watergate break-in beforehand — that it was some harebrained scheme of a few overzealous subordinates — and that the President only got involved later in covering it up.
Once, Poindexter testified that he had no recollection of letting Reagan in on that secret — and with Reagan a beloved figure to many in Official Washington — the inquiry was relegated to insignificance.
At the start of the Iran-Contra investigation, Attorney General Edwin Meese had set the time parameters from tothus keeping outside of the frame the possibility of a much more serious scandal originating during Campaigni. The 52 hostages were not released until Reagan was sworn in on Jan. Over the years, about two dozen sources — including Iranian officials, Israeli insiders, European intelligence operatives, Republican activists and even Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat — have provided information about alleged contacts with Iran by the Reagan campaign.
And, there were indications early in the Reagan presidency that something peculiar was afoot. On July 18,an Israeli-chartered plane crashed or was shot down after straying over the Soviet Union on a return flight from delivering U.
Not only did the documents tend to support the statements by Veliotes but they also fit with comments that former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir made in a interview in Tel Aviv. Was there an October Surprise? As recently as this past week, former Iranian President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr reiterated his account of Republican overtures to Iran during the hostage crisis and how that secret initiative prevented release of the hostages. The landmark ruling is stayed for 90 days to allow the government to appeal.
Our client looks forward to the day when it can publicly discuss its experience. The dictatorship that followed consigned thousands of Argentineans into military detention. Most were tortured; a few were released, many were eventually murdered. They found no prisoners. As Horacio Verbitsky reveals in this extract from his extraordinary book, the prisoners had been dispersed, some of them to El Silencio, an island property that had belonged to an official of the Catholic archbishop of Buenos Aires.
There were three weeks to the end of winter. The nights were still cold, but the sunshine brought a feeling of warmth returning, a good sign after all the hard months. They had been told they would be away until the end of the month.
Some of them had told their families they would not be able to call or see them for several weeks. They had never been outside the Navy Mechanical School as a group before, and this novelty was disturbing.
The links between them were recent but intense, cemented by the extreme situation they had shared, the outcome of which was still unclear. The aim was to deceive the members of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission, who were arriving with makeshift but accurate drawings of the installations.
The bathroom was to be completely altered, a marble worktop, stainless-steel sinks and a wall-to-wall mirror were to be fitted to make the place look less forbidding. Partitions were to be knocked down, and the metal rings in the floor removed. The staircase between the basement and the attic was to be closed off.
The bus headed north, parallel to the River Plate. With their casual clothes and sports bags they might have seemed like so many similar groups of light-hearted young men and women out on an excursion.
They were well aware of the deceit and disguise. They cannot have taken more than half an hour to reach the landing-stage. The guards identified the vehicle and let them through.
Other prisoners were brought to the same spot by car, blindfolded. They were put on board a coastguard launch, made of wood like the boats that carry passengers between all the islands, but with the seats removed. They were made to lie on the floor in the midst of bags, crates of food, radio equipment and weapons.
Some of the prisoners estimate the journey took little more than half an hour; others, more accurately, say an hour and a half. In the 19th century, the liberal bourgeoisie in Argentina had called this area the Tigre, in honour of the Tigris region in Mesopotamia. Only the people who live on the islands of the delta can distinguish all the rivers, streams and channels into which they are divided. The building must have been around eighty years old.
The eight large rooms must have covered an area of a little less than square metres. Radio equipment was set up in one of the rooms. There was an electric generator and lots of tools. A gas water-heater supplied the bathroom and the kitchen, and there were four water tanks for drinking water. A stand of poplars, another of willows, and a third of birches filled the cultivated part of the island. The rest needed clearing. A dense screen of thorn bushes grew wild everywhere, making it impossible to penetrate more than metres inland from the river.
Another, smaller group made the same journey in the cold of early morning. They were frightened rather than excited. Handcuffed and blindfolded, some of them were taken in a large van, others were put into a lorry with a thick green canvas awning.
When they reached the landing-stage, they heard the barking of dogs and the rattle of weapons. They were put into an open launch and covered with a canvas. If any of them moved they were beaten. These prisoners were put into a second building, smaller and rougher than the first. Its external walls were made of corrugated iron, and the gap between them and the wooden stilts had been filled in to accommodate them. Each night one or two of them were taken to the big house for a bath, along dark earthen paths, their way lit by torches.
Despite the primitiveness of the conditions, these prisoners were happy that they were left on their own in this house, where the guards refused to sleep. This was the first time they were able to talk freely to each other, and thanks to this, they discovered that one of them was missing.
Unlike the others, she was brought on her own. When she reached the island she read on the wooden sign that it was called El Silencio.
This was where the last men and women kidnapped by the Navy Mechanics School Task Force spent a month in September The cardinal played an important role in those preparations. The idea originated in the French armed forces. Another member, Roger Trinquier, theorised on the use of torture in Modern Warfare, a bible for its followers. Between them they developed a new concept, that of subversion.
This explains the wide range of enemies he sought to define. The first of these was in Buenos Aires in Its members had been part of the clandestine Organisation of a Secret Army OASwhich brought terror to Paris itself and attempted to assassinate General Charles de Gaulle, whom they accused of treason for withdrawing French forces from Algeria and thus facilitating its independence from French rule. Charles de Gaulle succeeded in destroying the OAS and had several of his former military colleagues shot.
Grasset himself arrived in to take charge of the Argentine branch. Horacio Verbitsky is a leading Argentinean investigative journalist. Jean Gardes reached Argentina in Forty years later, his daughter Florence showed the French journalist Marie-Monique Robin the notes her father had made.
By Roussillon was a member of the Naval Intelligence Service; he retired with the rank of captain inas Cardinal Caggiano was approaching the end of his life. Soon after Gardes met Roussillon, the cadets at the Navy Mechanics School were also introduced to the world of counter-revolutionary warfare.
In one of their courses they were shown the film The Battle of Algiers, an Italian-Algerian co-production made by the communist director Gillo Pontecorvo with the intention of exposing the methods used in Algeria by the French colonial army. The film was subsequently used in counter-insurgency classes in Argentina and the United States to teach those same methods.
The naval chaplain introduced the film and added a commentary from the religious point of view. Thirty-five years later, two of the cadets described the experience to Marie-Monique Robin: Did the chaplain justify the methods used in The Battle of Algiers? Anibal Acosta: Absolutely.
Including torture? Torture was seen not as a moral problem but as a weapon. Anibal Acosta: Part of the Catholic hierarchy supported this kind of practice. They showed us that film to prepare us for a kind of war very different from the regular war we had entered the Navy School for. They were preparing us for police missions against the civilian population, who became our new enemy.
As often happens in a continent that imports ideas, the doctrine of annihilation preceded that of the revolutionary uprising.
The book includes a list of the papal bulls condemning communism; they were the cross which kept Satan at bay. In OctoberCaggiano and the then president of Argentina, Arturo Frondizi inaugurated the first course on counter-revolutionary warfare in the Higher Military College. When unity is the aim, all means are justified: deceit, treachery, violence, usury, prison and death.
Because order serves the good of the community, and the individual has to be sacrificed for the common good. This warfare knew no boundaries. As usual, Grasselli was at his side. A few months later, Frondizi was overthrown, accused of being too tolerant towards communism.
They used the number and all his personal details to fake a new national identity document. The signature on the deed of sale is not that of the real Hernandez and there appears to have been no attempt even to make it look similar. This was how the navy got possession of the place it needed to hide the prisoners while the Inter-American Human Rights Commission was visiting Argentina. Grasselli had bought the island from Antonio Arbelaiz, a long-serving official of the curia the papal civil service who had been appointed diocesan administrator in Every year, he would invite the priests and seminarians of the archdiocese to El Silencio for a classic barbecue.
In his will, drawn up shortly after his appointment as diocesan administrator, he bequeathed everything to the archbishopric of the city of Buenos Aires, including the proceeds from the sale of the island. He claimed that they were motor-boat builders who needed a place to test, and that he himself had merely acted as an intermediary because he had worked with Arbelaiz in the curia. But the documentary evidence shows he was part of the group that bought it.
The deal was signed on 26 September The purchasers paid half the total amount, and guaranteed payment of the rest by mortgaging the island, Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr). Arbelaiz died in June Did they already know of the transaction that was to take place two months later? Jorge Alfredo Regenjo, one of the longest-standing residents of the Tigre, had worked as caretaker at El Silencio.
He saw coastguard launches arriving carrying people. A boat contractor described how Archbishop Aramburu used to contract one of his launches to take people to the island. The cardinal would arrive in the morning, have a barbecue on El Silencio, then return to the city or to his residence in Olivos.
Others did so by falsely assuming his identity. A curious detail: there is no record of a deposit having changed hands, and the vendor declared that he had been paid before the contract was signed.
The deed states that the vendors and the purchaser signed the document in the presence of the notary Rubens N Larumbe Sepic. Both transactions, andwere carried out in his office.
But the notary says he has no recollection of any of the persons involved, and refers everything to what appears on the public documents he signed. In other words, it was performed by Jorge Radice, the person responsible for all the real-estate business in which the Navy School was involved. Christmas At the end of August, a guard told Basterra, a prisoner at the Navy Mechanical School, that he was going to be taken somewhere else. He was transferred, wearing handcuffs, shackles and a hood, in the middle of the night of either 4 or 5 Septemberon board a Swat vehicle containing bunks Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr) the periods of waiting prior to the kidnapping and torture of any new victim.
Basterra thought they were going to kill him. Beneath the hood, he tried to decipher the meaning of every sound he heard. As dogs barked, they took him to open ground by the river.
He was never able to identify the spot where he spent the next month. The guards used walkie-talkies to speak to each other, and a radio to communicate with the Navy School. It was an enclosed space with no ventilation, and several prisoners fainted from the heat. Then they opened the door. There was a tremendous stampede because a neighbour went by and saw us. We never found out what had happened to that neighbour, but we heard shouts and several shots.
Despite all the testimonies, Grasselli denied that there were ever any people kept prisoner on the island. This sounds like the judgment of a jailer rather than a priest. On the island, Norma Cozzi was able to talk to her aunt without any witnesses. When she returned to the bricked-off room, Norma could not bring herself to tell this to La Gallega because she was worried that she might lose control and be killed by the guards.
All he did was sleep. La Gallega took it very badly. They learnt from their guards that there was another group of prisoners on the island who were not kept with hoods or shackles. These were prisoners who had been kept a long time and had adapted. These were the ones who had been brought in a navy bus like students on an outing. They later met one of them when he was brought to their house as a punishment for insulting a member of the task force.
Because of the foul smell, their guards used to shackle them and then go off and leave them, so they were able to talk to each other. To lift their spirits, Basterra told them stories. This was how they spent their month on the island. His process of recuperation had started three months later. He was obliged to forge identity documents in the navy workshops in order to save his life and to recover increasing amounts of freedom. At first he was allowed to see his family again, in very occasional visits and always accompanied by navy personnel.
Afterwards the visits became more frequent, and he was allowed to come and go on his own, and to sleep outside the Navy School at weekends. On Monday mornings, he had to present himself at a bar opposite the Navy School, and telephone from there using a code so that a car could pick him up and bring him back to the workshop. Another member of this group was Enrique Fuckman, known as Cachito.
The police had killed his year-old younger brother inafter he had been chased in the street and finished off when he fell to the ground injured. Both of them were Montoneros activists. Fuckman was kidnapped in November at the age of 22, and went through the whole cycle of the Navy School. When the prisoners were transferred to the island, he was working in the archive. He was among the first group of prisoners taken to El Silencio.
The prisoners in the larger house had a daily routine. They got up at 7am, had breakfast, and then were put to work. The men were given machetes to clear the land. The guards cut down poplars and willow trees with a chainsaw. They also gathered leaves to make rope with. The navy personnel sold all this production. The head of the task force, Captain Horacio Estrada, once said jokingly that the man who bought the timber saw the prisoners and thought they were workmen.
While the men were dealing with the timber, the women did the house-cleaning and prepared food. They used water that had been made drinkable thanks to the use of four fibro-cement tanks suspended in a metal tower. As the water passed through narrow tubes between the four tanks, it became purified.
An architect had designed the filter, using sand; he had been freed inand been recalled after the task force bought the island. There was also time for leisure. They carried out their plan without too much trouble.
The umpire was Cachito. We were barefoot or in rubber boots. This time something went wrong, and the result was the opposite. He snatched the whistle from Cachito and took over as judge. He cheated, but they still lost. When the game was over, we took it out on them. Reprisals were harsh, but not as bad as they had been expecting.
One of the prisoners was sent to the punishment hole under the floor of the smaller house for insulting a guard during the game.
One day the neighbour from across the channel opened the door to the downstairs of the small house. What did the neighbours, whose life was going on as normal, know about this group; what did people for whom time had not stopped hear and see of the prisoners?
Their comments reached the socialist leader Fernando Barberini, who had a daughter among the disappeared. When the dictatorship was over, Barberini passed them on to the Radical congressman Alberto Firpo. The two men began an investigation which ended in a lawsuit. A sergeant in the Buenos Aires police lived opposite El Silencio. What she found most curious was the difference between the number of people arriving and those leaving.
Yet, when the investigating magistrate asked her to testify, she denied all knowledge of any large bundles being shifted.
She agreed there had been a helicopter, and said that a coastguard launch had brought about 50 people to the island, some of them women. Some of the people worked, others sunbathed. The gunshots were target practice. Nothing in particular caught her attention. There was always someone in charge, although it was not always the same person. They played cards, drank, and talked a lot, until their chief shut them up.
They bought lots of foodstuffs, always the best, and did not mind how much it cost. The coastguard station had a football pitch. A team from the coastguards and some locals used to play against another from El Silencio. Then someone from El Silencio warned her that if she carried on talking, they would chop her head off and feed it to the catfish. Perhaps that is why, as a general rule, nobody knew anything.
On Octoberthe prisoners were taken back to the Navy Mechanics School. The Inter-American Human Rights Commission had finished its inspection, without finding anything it was looking for. May 4, Kent State, Gov. Edgar Hoover a memo stating: "At this moment he [Rhodes] is busier than a one-armed paper hanger. Consequently, Meltdown - Various - Hedoro Princess (CDr) do not plan to establish contact with him for a few months.
We will have no problem with him whatsoever. He is completely controlled by an SAC [Special Agent in Charge] contact, and we have full assurances that anything we need will be made available promptly. Our experience proves this assertion. Media sources like Life magazine noted the governor's alleged ties to organized crime and the Mafia in specific. Rhodes' FBI file, obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, suggests that it may be because of the FBI's extensive knowledge of Rhodes' involvement in the numbers rackets in the late 's that the Bureau could count on his cooperation.
Senior officers were said to be particularly appalled that he allowed crew to film the event and post it to social media where it was picked up by an insurance comparison website.
Many of the crew can seen looking on bewildered with their hands in their pockets as the disco blares out music. A Royal Navy insider said the dockside party is one of several incidents which was under investigation connected to Lewis. His treatment has divided opinion, with some outraged that he is being punished for looking after crew and others asking if he disobeyed the chain of command.
So what. Lighten up. Others said he would be in trouble if held the barbecue after being 'explicitly told not to'. Lewis had previously been executive officer on another nuclear submarine that was at the centre of a drugs scandal in when nine crew members tested positive for cocaine.
The submarine's captain was also removed while an investigation into an alleged affair with a female crew member was carried out. HMS Trenchant is one of three nuclear powered subs in the Navy's arsenal. The Trafalgar-class submarine is equipped with Tomahawk cruise missile, which can destroy a target from up to 1, miles away. Powered by a nuclear generator it can stay underwater for months with only food replenishment for the crew making it surface.
One of the crew posed for a photo holding a cricket bat on the ice cap. A Royal Navy spokesman said: 'An investigation is underway. It would be inappropriate to comment further. The views expressed in the contents above are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of MailOnline.
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